| MAGNA CHARTA LIBERTATUM 1215 Sintesi italiana e testo integrale in inglese La Magna Carta, emanata nel 1215 da re Giovanni Senza Terra, sancisce le “antiche libertà” d’Inghilterra, che il sovrano deve impegnarsi a non violare. Papa Innocenzo III , al quale Giovanni Senza Terra aveva prestato omaggio feudale per riceverne l’investitura su Inghilterra e Irlanda, annulla con una bolla la Magna Carta in nome della difesa della sovranità della Chiesa, coincidente con quella del sovrano. Il nuovo re d’Inghilterra Enrico III Plantageneto nel 1216 promulga di nuovo la Magna Carta e la riconferma nel 1225; questo è il testo definitivo qui riportato. Il documento non si basa su principi dottrinari, ma pragmaticamente elenca su un unico grande foglio, in una magna carta, appunto, anche se solitamente essa viene divisa in in un Preambolo e 63 Capoversi, particolari “libertà” da rispettare, approfondendo diritti già in vigore, nella linea della tradizione costituzionale inglese che si attua nel solco di una continuità storica piuttosto che attraverso atti rivoluzionari. Spicca, in particolar modo, la statuizione del paragrafo 39 che recita no free man shall be . . . imprisoned or disseised [dispossessed] . . . except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land ripresa poi direttamente dal Petition of Right (1628) e dal Habeas Corpus Act (1679). Sintesi in lingua italiana Giovanni per grazia di Dio re d’Inghilterra, signore d’Irlanda, duca di Normandia e di Aquitania, e conte d’Angiò, agli arcivescovi, vescovi, abati, conti, baroni, alti funzionari, magistrati delle foreste, sceriffi, preposti, ministri e a tutti i suoi balivi e fedeli, salute. Sappiate che per ispirazione di Dio e per la salvezza dell’anima nostra e di tutti i nostri antenati ed eredi, per l’onore di Dio e l’esaltazione della santa Chiesa e per la correzione del nostro regno, su consiglio dei nostri venerabili padri [seguono i nomi dei magnati ecclesiastici e laici e degli altri “nobiles viri” consultati] e di altri nostri fedeli. 1. In primo luogo noi abbiamo promesso a Dio, e confermato con questa nostra presente carta per noi e i nostri eredi in perpetuo, che la chiesa inglese sarà libera, e avrà i suoi diritti integri e le sue libertà inviolate; e così vogliamo che sia osservato; il che si manifesta da ciò, che la libertà delle elezioni, ritenuta particolarmente importante ed essenziale per la chiesa inglese, con pura e spontanea volontà, prima che nascesse la discordia tra noi e i nostri baroni, abbiamo concesso e confermato con la nostra carta ed abbiamo ottenuto che fosse ratificata dal signor nostro papa Innocenzo III; ed essa noi osserveremo e vogliamo che sia osservata con buona fede dai nostri eredi in perpetuo. Abbiamo anche concesso a tutti gli uomini liberi del nostro regno per noi e i nostri eredi in perpetuo tutte le libertà sotto elencate, che saranno possedute e mantenute da loro e dai loro eredi, per parte nostra e dei nostri eredi. […] 8. Né noi né i nostri balivi ci impadroniremo delle terre e delle rendite di chiunque per debiti finchè i beni mobili presenti del debitore saranno sufficienti a pagare il suo debito, e questo debitore sarà pronto a dare soddisfazione su questi beni, i garanti del debitore non saranno escussi finchè egli stesso sarà in stato di pagare. Se il debitore non paga, per causa di insolvibilità, o di cattiva volontà, i garanti saranno allora tenuti a pagare, ma, se essi lo vogliono, potranno impadronirsi e godere delle terre e rendite del debitore fino al rimborso del debito, che essi avranno pagato per lui, a meno che il debitore non provi che egli ha pagato i suoi debiti ai detti garanti. 9. La città di Londra godrà di tutte le sue antiche libertà e libere consuetudini. Noi vogliamo anche che tutte le altre città borghi villaggi, i baroni di cinque porti e tutti i porri godano di tutte le loro libertà e libere consuetudini. 10. Nessuno sarà costretto a un servizio più oneroso di quel che non debba il suo feudo militare od ogni altra libera dipendenza. 12. Nessun tributo vassallatico o conferimento (scutagium vel auxilium) sarà imposto nel nostro regno, se non per comune consenso del nostro regno (nisi per commune consilium regni nostri), salvo che per riscattare la nostra persona e per mettere in armi il nostro figlio primogenito e per maritare la nostra figlia primogenita una sola volta; e a tale scopo non vi sarà che un contributo ragionevole: allo stesso modo sarà fatto per i contributi della città di Londra. 13. E la città di Londra avrà tutte le sue antiche libertà e libere consuetudini, tanto sulle terre quanto sulle acque. Inoltre vogliamo e concediamo che tutte le altre città, borghi villaggi e porti, mantengano tutte le loro libertà e libere consuetudini. 14. E per avere il comune consenso del regno riguardo alla fissazione di un contributo in casi diversi dai tre detti sopra o alla fissazione di un tributo vassallatico, noi faremo convocare gli arcivescovi, vescovi, abati, conti, e baroni maggiori con nostre lettere individualmente indirizzate; e inoltre faremo convocare collettivamente per il tramite dei nostri sceriffi e balivi tutti coloro che hanno diritti da noi; per un giorno determinato, s’intende con un termine di almeno quaranta giorni, e per un luogo determinato; ed in tutte le lettere di tale convocazione indicheremo il motivo della convocazione; e fatta così la convocazione, la questione stabilita per quel giorno procederà secondo l’opinione di coloro che saranno presenti, anche se non tutti i convocati saranno venuti. 15. Per il resto noi non concederemo a nessuno di esigere contributi dai suoi uomini liberi, salvo che per riscattare la sua persona e per mettere in armi il suo figlio primogenito e per maritare la sua figlia primogenita una sola volta; e a tale scopo non vi sarà che un contributo ragionevole. […] 16. Nessun passaggio di fiume dovrà d’altronde essere vietato, eccetto quelli la cui interdizione rimonta ai tempi del re Enrico, nostro nonno, e questi ultimi non potranno esserlo che nei medesimi luoghi e nei medesimi limiti di allora. 20. Un uomo libero non sarà condannato ad ammende per un illecito minore se non in proporzione all’illecito; e per gli illeciti gravi sarà condannato ad una ammenda secondo la gravità dell’illecito, salvo quanto occorre per il mantenimento del suo stato; e un mercante salvo quanto occorre per la sua attività mercantile; e un contadino salvo quanto occorre al suo lavoro, se saranno incorsi nella nostra clemenza; e nessuno dei predetti provvedimenti sarà preso se non in base a giuramento di onesti uomini dei dintorni. 21. I conti e i baroni non saranno condannati ad ammende se non da parte di loro pari, e in proporzione all’illecito. […] 29. Nessun uomo libero sarà arrestato, imprigionato, spossessato della sua dipendenza, della sua libertà o libere usanze, messo fuori della legge, esiliato, molestato in nessuna maniera, e noi non metteremo né faremo mettere la mano su lui, se non in virtù di un giudizio legale dei suoi pari e secondo la legge del paese. Noi non venderemo, né rifiuteremo o differiremo a nessuno il diritto o la giustizia. 30. Nessuno sceriffo o balivo, o chiunque altro, prenderà i cavalli o i carri di alcun uomo libero per fare un trasporto, se non con la volontà dello stesso uomo libero. 31. Né noi né gli sceriffi prenderemo gli alberi altrui, per i nostri castelli o altri lavori, se non con la volontà di colui a cui quegli alberi apparterranno […]. 35. Vi sia una sola unità di misura per il vino per tutto il nostro regno, ed una sola unità di misura per la birra, ed una per il grano, cioè il quartaruolo di Londra, ed una unità di lunghezza per le stoffe tinte o rustiche o pesanti, cioè due ell tra le cimose; vi siano anche delle misure uniche per i pesi […]. 38. Nessun balivo metterà alcuno sotto accusa con la sua sola parola, senza testimoni credibili portati a questo fine. 39. Nessun uomo libero sarà preso o imprigionato o espropriato o bandito o esiliato o in altro modo colpito, né noi andremo su di lui o su di lui manderemo, se non in base ad un giudizio legale dei suoi pari e secondo la legge del paese. 40. A nessuno venderemo, o negheremo, o differiremo il diritto o la giustizia. 41. Tutti i mercanti avranno per salvo e sicuro uscire dall’Inghilterra, e venire in Inghilterra, e soffermarsi e muoversi per l’Inghilterra, tanto per terra che per acqua, per comprare e vendere, senza alcun male, secondo le antiche e giuste consuetudini, tranne che in tempo di guerra e se siano di un paese in guerra contro di noi: e se se ne troveranno di tali nella nostra terra quando inizia la guerra, siano detenuti senza danno per le loro persone e cose, finché non si sappia da parte nostra o di un nostro giudice capo, in che modo siano trattati i mercanti del nostro paese che in quel momento fossero trovati nel paese in guerra con noi; e se i nostri sono salvi colà, questi altri siano salvi nella nostra terra. 42. Sia lecito a chiunque uscire dal nostro regno,e rientrarvi, salvo e sicuro, per terra e per acqua, salva la fedeltà a noi dovuta, tranne che in tempo di guerra per un breve periodo, in vista di una comune utilità del regno, eccetto le persone imprigionate o bandite secondo le leggi del regno, e le genti di un paese in guerra contro di noi, e i mercanti, dei quali avvenga come sopra si è detto. 43. Noi non nomineremo giudici, connestabili, sceriffi o balivi se non persone che conoscano la legge del regno e intendano correttamente osservarla [..]. 49. Noi restituiremo immediatamente tutti gli ostaggi e i documenti che ci sono stati dati dagli Inglesi come garanzie di pace o di fedele servizio […]. 51. E appena la pace sarà ristabilita noi allontaneremo dal regno tutti i soldati, balestrieri, sergenti e mercenari di provenienza stranieri, che son venuti con cavalli ed armi a nocumento del regno. 52. Se alcuno sarà stato espropriato o rimosso da noi senza un giudizio legale dei suoi pari dalle sue terre, castelli, libertà o diritti, subito glieli restituiremo; e se nascerà controversia su ciò, allora vi si provvederà con un giudizio dei venticinque baroni, di cui si fa menzione qui sotto nella clausola per assicurare la pace […]. 53. Nessuno sia preso o imprigionato per denunzia di una donna per la morte di persone diverse dal di lei marito […]. 60. Tutte queste consuetudini predette e libertà che noi abbiamo concesso, da osservarsi nel nostro regno per quanto riguarda il nostro comportamento verso i nostri uomini, tutti nel nostro regno, ecclesiastici e laici, debbono osservarle per quanto riguarda i loro comportamenti verso i loro uomini. 61. E poiché per Iddio e per la correzione del nostro regno, e per meglio sopire la discordia insorta tra noi e nostri baroni, abbiamo concesso tutte queste cose predette, volendo che esse godano di integra e ferma stabilità in perpetuo, facciamo e concediamo per esse la clausola di garanzia scritta sotto; e cioè che i baroni eleggano venticinque baroni del regno che essi vorranno, che debbano con tutte le loro forze osservare, tener ferme e far osservare, la pace e le libertà che abbiamo concesso, e confermato con questa presente nostra carta, così che se noi o un nostro alto funzionario o i nostri balivi o alcuno dei nostri amministratori commetteremo illecito in qualcosa contro qualcuno o avremo trasgredito qualcuno degli articoli di pace e sicurezza, e la violazione sarà stata presentata a quattro baroni dei venticinque baroni predetti, quei quattro baroni vengano a noi o ai nostri alti funzionari, se saremo fuori dal regno, prospettandoci l’abuso, e chiedano che facciamo correggere quell’abuso senza dilazione. E se noi non correggeremo l’abuso o se, essendo noi fuori dal regno, non lo correggerà il nostro alto funzionario, allora, nel termine di quaranta giorni da computare dal tempo in cui sarà stato presentato a noi o al nostro alto funzionario se saremo fuori dal regno, i predetti quattro baroni porteranno la questione agli altri di quei venticinque baroni, ed essi venticinque baroni insieme con la comunità dell’intero paese ci stringeranno e ci premeranno in tutti i modi che potranno, cioè mediante presa di castelli, terre, possessi ed altri modi che potranno, finché [l’abuso] sarà corretto secondo il loro giudizio, salve le persone nostra e della nostra regina e dei nostri figli; e dopo che sarà corretto saranno in accordo con noi come lo erano prima. E chiunque nel paese vorrà, giuri che per eseguire tutte le predette cose obbedirà agli ordini dei predetti venticinque baroni, e che farà pressione su di noi quanto potrà insieme a loro, e noi pubblicamente e liberamente diamo licenza di giurare a chiunque vorrà giurare, e a nessuno proibiremo di giurare. Ed a quelli del paese che per sé e di propria volontà non vorranno giurare ai venticinque baroni, di stringerci e gravarci assieme a loro, noi comandiamo di giurare per nostro stesso mandato, come sopra si è detto. E se qualcuno dei venticinque baroni sarà venuto o a morte o si sarà allontanato dal paese, o in altro modo sarà impedito, in modo che le cose predette non possano eseguirsi, coloro che resteranno dei predetti venticinque baroni ne eleggeranno un altro al suo posto a loro giudizio, che giurerà in modo analogo agli altri. E in tutte le cose che a questi venticinque baroni si affida di eseguire, se per caso questi venticinque saranno presenti e discorderanno tra loro su qualcosa, o se alcuni tra loro pur convocati non vorranno intervenire, resti deciso e fermo ciò che la parte maggiore dei presenti avrà stabilito o ordinato, come se vi avessero consentito tutti i venticinque; e i predetti venticinque giurino che osserveranno fedelmente tutte le cose predette, e per tutto quanto potranno le facciano osservare. E noi nulla chiederemo a nessuno, né per noi né per altri, per cui alcuna di queste concessioni o libertà possa essere revocata o diminuita; e se qualcosa del genere sarà richiesta, sia nulla e senza effetto, e mai ne faremo uso né per noi né per altri. IL TESTO DELLA MAGNA CHARTA LIBERTATUM IN INGLESE Introductory Note As might be expected, the text of the Magna Charta Libertatum of 1215 bears many traces of haste, and is clearly the product of much bargaining and many hands. Most of its clauses deal with specific, and often long-standing, grievances rather than with general principles of law. Some of the grievances are self-explanatory: others can be understood only in the context of the feudal society in which they arose. Of a few clauses, the precise meaning is still a matter of argument. In feudal society, the king’s barons held their lands `in fee’ (feudum) from the king, for an oath to him of loyalty and obedience, and with the obligation to provide him with a fixed number of knights whenever these were required for military service. At first the barons provided the knights by dividing their estates (of which the largest and most important were known as `honours’) into smaller parcels described as `knights’ fees’, which they distributed to tenants able to serve as knights. But by the time of King John it had become more convenient and usual for the obligation for service to be commuted for a cash payment known as `scutage’, and for the revenue so obtained to be used to maintain paid armies. Besides military service, feudal custom allowed the king to make certain other exactions from his barons. In times of emergency, and on such special occasions as the marriage of his eldest daughter, he could demand from them a financial levy known as an `aid’ (auxilium). When a baron died, he could demand a succession duty or `relief’ (relevium) from the baron’s heir. If there was no heir, or if the succession was disputed, the baron’s lands could be forfeited or `escheated’ to the Crown. If the heir was under age, the king could assume the guardianship of his estates, and enjoy all the profits from them-ven to the extent of despoliation-until the heir came of age. The king had the right, if he chose, to sell such a guardianship to the highest bidder, and to sell the heir himself in marriage for such price as the value of his estates would command. The widows and daughters of barons might also be sold in marriage. With their own tenants, the barons could deal similarly. The scope for extortion and abuse in this system, if it were not benevolently applied, was obviously great and had been the subject of complaint long before King John came to the throne. Abuses were, moreover, aggravated by the difficulty of obtaining redress for them, and in Magna Charta Libertatum the provision of the means for obtaining a fair hearing of complaints, not only against the king and his agents but against lesser feudal lords, achieves corresponding importance. About two-thirds of the clauses of the Magna Charta Libertatum of 1215 are concerned with matters such as these, and with the misuse of their powers by royal officials. As regards other topics, the first clause, conceding the freedom of the Church, and in particular confirming its right to elect its own dignitaries without royal interference, reflects John’s dispute with the Pope over Stephen Langton’s election as archbishop of Canterbury: it does not appear in the Articles of the Barons, and its somewhat stilted phrasing seems in part to be attempting to justify its inclusion, none the less, in the charter itself. The clauses that deal with the royal forests (§§ 44, 47, 48), over which the king had special powers and jurisdiction, reflect the disquiet and anxieties that had arisen on account of a longstanding royal tendency to extend the forest boundaries, to the detriment of the holders of the lands affected. Those that deal with debts (§§ 9-1l) reflect administrative problems created by the chronic scarcity of ready cash among the upper and middle classes, and their need to resort to money-lenders when this was required. The clause promising the removal of fish-weirs (§ 33) was intended to facilitate the navigation of rivers. A number of clauses deal with the special circumstances that surrounded the making of the charter, and are such as might be found in any treaty of peace. Others, such as those relating to the city of London (§ 13) and to merchants (§ 41), clearly represent concessions to special interests. Testo integrale NB: I segni (+) indicano che le corrispondenti clausole sono mantenute nell’edizione del 1225 con alcune modifiche. le clausole evidenziate con (*) sono state soppresse in tutte le edizioni successive della Charta. Come già ricordato, la numerazione dei paragrafi è convenzionale, dato che la Magna Charta Libertatum era appunto scritta su un unico grande foglio.) JOHN, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his officials and loyal subjects, Greeting. KNOW THAT BEFORE GOD, for the health of our soul and those of our ancestors and heirs, to the honour of God, the exaltation of the holy Church, and the better ordering of our kingdom, at the advice of our reverend fathers Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William bishop of London, Peter bishop of Winchester, Jocelin bishop of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Walter Bishop of Worcester, William bishop of Coventry, Benedict bishop of Rochester, Master Pandulf subdeacon and member of the papal household, Brother Aymeric master of the knighthood of the Temple in England, William Marshal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway constable of Scotland, Warin Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppeley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and other loyal subjects: + (1) FIRST, THAT WE HAVE GRANTED TO GOD, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the English Church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired. That we wish this so to be observed, appears from the fact that of our own free will, before the outbreak of the present dispute between us and our barons, we granted and confirmed by charter the freedom of the Church’s elections – a right reckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to it – and caused this to be confirmed by Pope Innocent III. This freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity. TO ALL FREE MEN OF OUR KINGDOM we have also granted, for us and our heirs for ever, all the liberties written out below, to have and to keep for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs: (2) If any earl, baron, or other person that holds lands directly of the Crown, for military service, shall die, and at his death his heir shall be of full age and owe a `relief’, the heir shall have his inheritance on payment of the ancient scale of `relief’. That is to say, the heir or heirs of an earl shall pay £100 for the entire earl’s barony, the heir or heirs of a knight l00s. at most for the entire knight’s `fee’, and any man that owes less shall pay less, in accordance with the ancient usage of `fees’ (3) But if the heir of such a person is under age and a ward, when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without `relief’ or fine. (4) The guardian of the land of an heir who is under age shall take from it only reasonable revenues, customary dues, and feudal services. He shall do this without destruction or damage to men or property. If we have given the guardianship of the land to a sheriff, or to any person answerable to us for the revenues, and he commits destruction or damage, we will exact compensation from him, and the land shall be entrusted to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee’, who shall be answerable to us for the revenues, or to the person to whom we have assigned them. If we have given or sold to anyone the guardianship of such land, and he causes destruction or damage, he shall lose the guardianship of it, and it shall be handed over to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee’, who shall be similarly answerable to us. (5) For so long as a guardian has guardianship of such land, he shall maintain the houses, parks, fish preserves, ponds, mills, and everything else pertaining to it, from the revenues of the land itself. When the heir comes of age, he shall restore the whole land to him, stocked with plough teams and such implements of husbandry as the season demands and the revenues from the land can reasonably bear. (6) Heirs may be given in marriage, but not to someone of lower social standing. Before a marriage takes place, it shall be’ made known to the heir’s next-of-kin. (7) At her husband’s death, a widow may have her marriage portion and inheritance at once and without trouble. She shall pay nothing for her dower, marriage portion, or any inheritance that she and her husband held jointly on the day of his death. She may remain in her husband’s house for forty days after his death, and within this period her dower shall be assigned to her. (8) No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she wishes to remain without a husband. But she must give security that she will not marry without royal consent, if she holds her lands of the Crown, or without the consent of whatever other lord she may hold them of. (9) Neither we nor our officials will seize any land or rent in payment of a debt, so long as the debtor has movable goods sufficient to discharge the debt. A debtor’s sureties shall not be distrained upon so long as the debtor himself can discharge his debt. If, for lack of means, the debtor is unable to discharge his debt, his sureties shall be answerable for it. If they so desire, they may have the debtor’s lands and rents until they have received satisfaction for the debt that they paid for him, unless the debtor can show that he has settled his obligations to them. * (10) If anyone who has borrowed a sum of money from Jews dies before the debt has been repaid, his heir shall pay no interest on the debt for so long as he remains under age, irrespective of whom he holds his lands. If such a debt falls into the hands of the Crown, it will take nothing except the principal sum specified in the bond. * (11) If a man dies owing money to Jews, his wife may have her dower and pay nothing towards the debt from it. If he leaves children that are under age, their needs may also be provided for on a scale appropriate to the size of his holding of lands. The debt is to be paid out of the residue, reserving the service due to his feudal lords. Debts owed to persons other than Jews are to be dealt with similarly. * (12) No `scutage’ or `aid’ may be levied in our kingdom without its general consent, unless it is for the ransom of our person, to make our eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry our eldest daughter. For these purposes ouly a reasonable `aid’ may be levied. `Aids’ from the city of London are to be treated similarly. + (13) The city of London shall enjoy all its ancient liberties and free customs, both by land and by water. We also will and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall enjoy all their liberties and free customs. * (14) To obtain the general consent of the realm for the assessment of an `aid’ – except in the three cases specified above – or a `scutage’, we will cause the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons to be summoned individually by letter. To those who hold lands directly of us we will cause a general summons to be issued, through the sheriffs and other officials, to come together on a fixed day (of which at least forty days notice shall be given) and at a fixed place. In all letters of summons, the cause of the summons will be stated. When a summons has been issued, the business appointed for the day shall go forward in accordance with the resolution of those present, even if not all those who were summoned have appeared. * (15) In future we will allow no one to levy an `aid’ from his free men, except to ransom his person, to make his eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry his eldest daughter. For these purposes only a reasonable `aid’ may be levied. (16) No man shall be forced to perform more service for a knight’s `fee’, or other free holding of land, than is due from it. (17) Ordinary lawsuits shall not follow the royal court around, but shall be held in a fixed place. (18) Inquests of novel disseisin, mort d’ancestor, and darrein presentment shall be taken only in their proper county court. We ourselves, or in our absence abroad our chief justice, will send two justices to each county four times a year, and these justices, with four knights of the county elected by the county itself, shall hold the assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place where the court meets. (19) If any assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, as many knights and freeholders shall afterwards remain behind, of those who have attended the court, as will suffice for the administration of justice, having regard to the volume of business to be done. (20) For a trivial offence, a free man shall be fined only in proportion to the degree of his offence, and for a serious offence correspondingly, but not so heavily as to deprive him of his livelihood. In the same way, a merchant shall be spared his merchandise, and a husbandman the implements of his husbandry, if they fall upon the mercy of a royal court. None of these fines shall be imposed except by the assessment on oath of reputable men of the neighbourhood. (21) Earls and barons shall be fined only by their equals, and in proportion to the gravity of their offence. (22) A fine imposed upon the lay property of a clerk in holy orders shall be assessed upon the same principles, without reference to the value of his ecclesiastical benefice. (23) No town or person shall be forced to build bridges over rivers except those with an ancient obligation to do so. (24) No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other royal officials are to hold lawsuits that should be held by the royal justices. * (25) Every county, hundred, wapentake, and tithing shall remain at its ancient rent, without increase, except the royal demesne manors. (26) If at the death of a man who holds a lay `fee’ of the Crown, a sheriff or royal official produces royal letters patent of summons for a debt due to the Crown, it shall be lawful for them to seize and list movable goods found in the lay `fee’ of the dead man to the value of the debt, as assessed by worthy men. Nothing shall be removed until the whole debt is paid, when the residue shall be given over to the executors to carry out the dead man s will. If no debt is due to the Crown, all the movable goods shall be regarded as the property of the dead man, except the reasonable shares of his wife and children. * (27) If a free man dies intestate, his movable goods are to be distributed by his next-of-kin and friends, under the supervision of the Church. The rights of his debtors are to be preserved. (28) No constable or other royal official shall take corn or other movable goods from any man without immediate payment, unless the seller voluntarily offers postponement of this. (29) No constable may compel a knight to pay money for castle-guard if the knight is willing to undertake the guard in person, or with reasonable excuse to supply some other fit man to do it. A knight taken or sent on military service shall be excused from castle-guard for the period of this servlce. (30) No sheriff, royal official, or other person shall take horses or carts for transport from any free man, without his consent. (31) Neither we nor any royal official will take wood for our castle, or for any other purpose, without the consent of the owner. (32) We will not keep the lands of people convicted of felony in our hand for longer than a year and a day, after which they shall be returned to the lords of the `fees’ concerned. (33) All fish-weirs shall be removed from the Thames, the Medway, and throughout the whole of England, except on the sea coast. (34) The writ called precipe shall not in future be issued to anyone in respect of any holding of land, if a free man could thereby be deprived of the right of trial in his own lord’s court. (35) There shall be standard measures of wine, ale, and corn (the London quarter), throughout the kingdom. There shall also be a standard width of dyed cloth, russett, and haberject, namely two ells within the selvedges. Weights are to be standardised similarly. (36) In future nothing shall be paid or accepted for the issue of a writ of inquisition of life or limbs. It shall be given gratis, and not refused. (37) If a man holds land of the Crown by `fee-farm’, `socage’, or `burgage’, and also holds land of someone else for knight’s service, we will not have guardianship of his heir, nor of the land that belongs to the other person’s `fee’, by virtue of the `fee-farm’, `socage’, or `burgage’, unless the `fee-farm’ owes knight’s service. We will not have the guardianship of a man’s heir, or of land that he holds of someone else, by reason of any small property that he may hold of the Crown for a service of knives, arrows, or the like. (38) In future no official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it. + (39) No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or deprived of his standing in any other way, nor will we proceed with force against him, or send others to do so, except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land. + (40) To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice. (41) All merchants may enter or leave England unharmed and without fear, and may stay or travel within it, by land or water, for purposes of trade, free from all illegal exactions, in accordance with ancient and lawful customs. This, however, does not apply in time of war to merchants from a country that is at war with us. Any such merchants found in our country at the outbreak of war shall be detained without injury to their persons or property, until we or our chief justice have discovered how our own merchants are being treated in the country at war with us. If our own merchants are safe they shall be safe too. * (42) In future it shall be lawful for any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, except in time of war, for some short period, for the common benefit of the realm. People that have been imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of the land, people from a country that is at war with us, and merchants – who shall be dealt with as stated above – are excepted from this provision. (43) If a man holds lands of any `escheat’ such as the `honour’ of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other `escheats’ in our hand that are baronies, at his death his heir shall give us only the `relief’ and service that he would have made to the baron, had the barony been in the baron’s hand. We will hold the `escheat’ in the same manner as the baron held it. (44) People who live outside the forest need not in future appear before the royal justices of the forest in answer to general summonses, unless they are actually involved in proceedings or are sureties for someone who has been seized for a forest offence. * (45) We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or other officials, only men that know the law of the realm and are minded to keep it well. (46) All barons who have founded abbeys, and have charters of English kings or ancient tenure as evidence of this, may have guardianship of them when there is no abbot, as is their due. (47) All forests that have been created in our reign shall at once be disafforested. River-banks that have been enclosed in our reign shall be treated similarly. * (48) All evil customs relating to forests and warrens, foresters, warreners, sheriffs and their servants, or river-banks and their wardens, are at once to be investigated in every county by twelve sworn knights of the county, and within forty days of their enquiry the evil customs are to be abolished completely and irrevocably. But we, or our chief justice if we are not in England, are first to be informed. * (49) We will at once return all hostages and charters delivered up to us by Englishmen as security for peace or for loyal service. * (50) We will remove completely from their offices the kinsmen of Gerard de Athée, and in future they shall hold no offices in England. The people in question are Engelard de Cigogné’, Peter, Guy, and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de Cigogné, Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Marc and his brothers, with Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers. * (51) As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all the foreign knights, bowmen, their attendants, and the mercenaries that have come to it, to its harm, with horses and arms. * (52) To any man whom we have deprived or dispossessed of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, without the lawful judgement of his equals, we will at once restore these. In cases of dispute the matter shall be resolved by the judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§ 61). In cases, however, where a man was deprived or dispossessed of something without the lawful judgement of his equals by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once render justice in full. * (53) We shall have similar respite in rendering justice in connexion with forests that are to be disafforested, or to remain forests, when these were first a-orested by our father Henry or our brother Richard; with the guardianship of lands in another person’s `fee’, when we have hitherto had this by virtue of a `fee’ held of us for knight’s service by a third party; and with abbeys founded in another person’s `fee’, in which the lord of the `fee’ claims to own a right. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice to complaints about these matters. (54) No one shall be arrested or imprisoned on the appeal of a woman for the death of any person except her husband. * (55) All fines that have been given to us unjustiy and against the law of the land, and all fines that we have exacted unjustly, shall be entirely remitted or the matter decided by a majority judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (§ 61) together with Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as he wishes to bring with him. If the archbishop cannot be present, proceedings shall continue without him, provided that if any of the twenty-five barons has been involved in a similar suit himself, his judgement shall be set aside, and someone else chosen and sworn in his place, as a substitute for the single occasion, by the rest of the twenty-five. (56) If we have deprived or dispossessed any Welshmen of lands, liberties, or anything else in England or in Wales, without the lawful judgement of their equals, these are at once to be returned to them. A dispute on this point shall be determined in the Marches by the judgement of equals. English law shall apply to holdings of land in England, Welsh law to those in Wales, and the law of the Marches to those in the Marches. The Welsh shall treat us and ours in the same way. * (57) In cases where a Welshman was deprived or dispossessed of anything, without the lawful judgement of his equals, by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. But on our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice according to the laws of Wales and the said regions. * (58) We will at once return the son of Llywelyn, all Welsh hostages, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace. * (59) With regard to the return of the sisters and hostages of Alexander, king of Scotland, his liberties and his rights, we will treat him in the same way as our other barons of England, unless it appears from the charters that we hold from his father William, formerly king of Scotland, that he should be treated otherwise. This matter shall be resolved by the judgement of his equals in our court. (60) All these customs and liberties that we have granted shall be observed in our kingdom in so far as concerns our own relations with our subjects. Let all men of our kingdom, whether clergy or laymen, observe them similarly in their relations with their own men. * (61) SINCE WE HAVE GRANTED ALL THESE THINGS for God, for the better ordering of our kingdom, and to allay the discord that has arisen between us and our barons, and since we desire that they shall be enjoyed in their entirety, with lasting strength, for ever, we give and grant to the barons the following security: The barons shall elect twenty-five of their number to keep, and cause to be observed with all their might, the peace and liberties granted and confirmed to them by this charter. If we, our chief justice, our officials, or any of our servants offend in any respect against any man, or transgress any of the articles of the peace or of this security, and the offence is made known to four of the said twenty-five barons, they shall come to us – or in our absence from the kingdom to the chief justice – to declare it and claim immediate redress. If we, or in our absence abroad the chiefjustice, make no redress within forty days, reckoning from the day on which the offence was declared to us or to him, the four barons shall refer the matter to the rest of the twenty-five barons, who may distrain upon and assail us in every way possible, with the support of the whole community of the land, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, or anything else saving only our own person and those of the queen and our children, until they have secured such redress as they have determined upon. Having secured the redress, they may then resume their normal obedience to us. Any man who so desires may take an oath to obey the commands of the twenty-five barons for the achievement of these ends, and to join with them in assailing us to the utmost of his power. We give public and free permission to take this oath to any man who so desires, and at no time will we prohibit any man from taking it. Indeed, we will compel any of our subjects who are unwilling to take it to swear it at our command. If-one of the twenty-five barons dies or leaves the country, or is prevented in any other way from discharging his duties, the rest of them shall choose another baron in his place, at their discretion, who shall be duly sworn in as they were. In the event of disagreement among the twenty-five barons on any matter referred to them for decision, the verdict of the majority present shall have the same validity as a unanimous verdict of the whole twenty-five, whether these were all present or some of those summoned were unwilling or unable to appear. The twenty-five barons shall swear to obey all the above articles faithfully, and shall cause them to be obeyed by others to the best of their power. We will not seek to procure from anyone, either by our own efforts or those of a third party, anything by which any part of these concessions or liberties might be revoked or diminished. Should such a thing be procured, it shall be null and void and we will at no time make use of it, either ourselves or through a third party. * (62) We have remitted and pardoned fully to all men any ill-will, hurt, or grudges that have arisen between us and our subjects, whether clergy or laymen, since the beginning of the dispute. We have in addition remitted fully, and for our own part have also pardoned, to all clergy and laymen any offences committed as a result of the said dispute between Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215) and the restoration of peace. In addition we have caused letters patent to be made for the barons, bearing witness to this security and to the concessions set out above, over the seals of Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, Henry archbishop of Dublin, the other bishops named above, and Master Pandulf. * (63) IT IS ACCORDINGLY OUR WISH AND COMMAND that the English Church shall be free, and that men in our kingdom shall have and keep all these liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably in their fulness and entirety for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things and all places for ever. Both we and the barons have sworn that all this shall be observed in good faith and without deceit. Witness the abovementioned people and many others. Given by our hand in the meadow that is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June in the seventeenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215: the new regnal year began on 28 May). |
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